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备受尊重的当代经济学家保罗 · 克鲁格曼说："真正的经济学家不谈竞争力，"。真正的商人和真正的政客们谈论它所有的时间，然而。许多公司经历了野蛮的缩编，要保持竞争力，和政府都成立了许多委员会审查如何锐化他们国家的经济表现。克鲁格曼的反对意见不是使用期限竞争力的公司，经常有他们必须打败的竞争对手，但到将它应用到的国家。充其量，它是一个毫无意义的词，当应用于国家的经济体 ；在最坏的情况下，它鼓励贸易保护主义。国家，他声称，其实不是在竞争公司相同的方式。两家公司竞争，一个人的增益时，对方的损失，而国际贸易中，克鲁格曼先生争论，不是零和游戏： 当两个国家通过他们都赢的贸易竞争。然而国家竞争力的措施不是完全荒谬。一个国家未来的繁荣取决于它的增长的生产力，政府的政策可以影响。国家竞争，他们选择的政策，促进提高生活水平。即便如此，概念和计量困难的意思是越来越多的看来比较不同国家的竞争力指数大概应该带一大撮盐。
Industry:Economy
有更多的竞争是更有可能是公司效率和较低的价格。经济学家们确定了几个不同种类的竞争。完全竞争是可以想象到的最具竞争力市场中的每个人都是价格接受者。公司收入只有正常利润，有必要把他们关在业务的裸露最小利润。如果公司赚得更多比这 (超额利润) 其他公司将进入市场和驱动器的价格水平下直到仅有正常的利润。大多数市场表现出某种形式的不完善或垄断性竞争。在完全竞争的市场中有较少的公司比，每个可以在某种程度上创建进入壁垒。因此公司可以不能够竞争，使价格向下一个新加入者的情况下赚取一些额外的利润。至少有竞争激烈的市场是垄断的由一个单一的公司，可以通过控制要么在市场或价格 （但不是能两者都） 输出量赚取可观的超额收益占主导地位。在这个意义上它是价格二传手。当有几家公司在一个市场 （寡头） 他们有机会作为通过某种形式的勾结垄断者的行为 （见卡特尔）。一家公司所主导的市场不一定垄断权力如果它是一个可竞争的市场。在这种市场中，一家公司可以支配的只有尽量有效地产生并不会赚取超额利润。如果它变得效率低下或赚取超额利润，另一种更有效或更少盈利公司将进入市场和支配它相反。
Industry:Economy
Paul Samuelson, one of the 20th century’s greatest economists, once remarked that the principle of comparative advantage was the only big idea that economics had produced that was both true and surprising. It is also one of the oldest theories in economics, usually ascribed to David Ricardo. The theory underpins the economic case for free trade. But it is often misunderstood or misrepresented by opponents of free trade. It shows how countries can gain from trading with each other even if one of them is more efficient – it has an absolute advantage – in every sort of economic activity. Comparative advantage is about identifying which activities a country (or firm or individual) is most efficient at doing. To see how this theory works imagine two countries, Alpha and Omega. Each country has 1,000 workers and can make two goods, computers and cars. Alpha’s economy is far more productive than Omega’s. To make a car, Alpha needs two workers, compared with Omega’s four. To make a computer, Alpha uses 10 workers, compared with Omega’s 100. If there is no trade, and in each country half the workers are in each industry, Alpha produces 250 cars and 50 computers and Omega produces 125 cars and 5 computers. What if the two countries specialize? Although Alpha makes both cars and computers more efficiently than Omega (it has an absolute advantage), it has a bigger edge in computer making. So it now devotes most of its resources to that industry, employing 700 workers to make computers and only 300 to make cars. This raises computer output to 70 and cuts car production to 150. Omega switches entirely to cars, turning out 250. World output of both goods has risen. Both countries can consume more of both if they trade, but at what price? Neither will want to import what it could make more cheaply at home. So Alpha will want at least 5 cars per computer, and Omega will not give up more than 25 cars per computer. Suppose the terms of trade are fixed at 12 cars per computer and 120 cars are exchanged for 10 computers. Then Alpha ends up with 270 cars and 60 computers, and Omega with 130 cars and 10 computers. Both are better off than they would be if they did not trade. This is true even though Alpha has an absolute advantage in making both computers and cars. The reason is that each country has a different comparative advantage. Alpha’s edge is greater in computers than in cars. Omega, although a costlier producer in both industries, is a less expensive maker of cars. If each country specializes in products in which it has a comparative advantage, both will gain from trade. In essence, the theory of comparative advantage says that it pays countries to trade because they are different. It is impossible for a country to have no comparative advantage in anything. It may be the least efficient at everything, but it will still have a comparative advantage in the industry in which it is relatively least bad. There is no reason to assume that a country’s comparative advantage will be static. If a country does what it has a comparative advantage in and sees its income grow as a result, it can afford better education and infrastructure. These, in turn, may give it a comparative advantage in other economic activities in future.
Industry:Economy
敌人的资本主义和现在几乎已经绝迹。发明的卡尔 · 马克思，谁预测封建主义和资本主义将由"无产阶级专政"，在这期间，国家将"凋零"和经济生活已成功将组织，实现"从每个按他的能力，对每个根据自己的需要"。苏联是最突出尝试投入到实践共产主义和结果是明显的失败，虽然有些现代马克思的追随者认为苏联人错过了点。
Industry:Economy
A comparatively homogeneous product that can typically be bought in bulk. It usually refers to a raw material – oil, cotton, cocoa, silver – but can also describe a manufactured product used to make other things, for example, microchips used in personal computers. Commodities are often traded on commodity exchanges. On average, the price of natural commodities has fallen steadily in real terms in defiance of some predictions that growing consumption of non-renewables such as copper would force prices up. At times the oil price has risen sharply in real terms, most notably during the 1970s, but this was due not to the exhaustion of limited supplies but to rationing by the OPEC cartel, or war, or fear of it, particularly in the oil-rich Middle East.
Industry:Economy
The process of becoming a commodity. Micro¬chips, for example, started out as a specialized technical innovation, costing a lot and earning their makers a high profit on each chip. Now chips are largely homogeneous: the same chip can be used for many things, and any manufacturer willing to invest in some fairly standardized equipment can make them. As a result, competition is fierce and prices and profit margins are low. Some economists argue that in today's economy the faster pace of innovation will make the process of commoditization increasingly common.
Industry:Economy
